JdV’s amnesty worth studying
When it comes to generating big ideas, few can beat Speaker Jose de Venecia. It was JdV who first proposed face-to-face talks with National Democratic Front during the Ramos term. In the Cory administration, he initiated diplomatic contacts with Pyongyang, a taboo idea at that time.Is JdV a leftist? Not at all. If we subject the Pangasinan lawmaker to an ideology test, he would probably be sitting on the left side of the Klu Klux Klan. But in day-to-day politics, he is a pragmatist. “Kung anong kailangan ng bayan at sitwasyon—OK siya.” He is the type who can talk with US President Bush now and then deal with Kim Jong Il tomorrow.
An example of his flexibility is his proposal to grant amnesty to the political enemies of the state and critics of President GMA. Probably, it is his way to finding ways to ease the burden on the government. He thinks that with the grant of amnesty, the administration would be able to acquire a breathing spell up to 2010.
I am just surprised why JdV chose to announce the amnesty proposal without the benefit of discussions within the National Security Council. The NSC is the body to discuss a big policy change such as amnesty. I could only suspect that JdV prefers a prior public discussion on the issue before it is discussed with the cabinet.
Perhaps, he wanted to float the idea first to test the opinion of the military, the civilian leaders, the NGOs and the international community. If that was his intention, he had succeeded in drawing Senators Joker Arroyo and Miriam D. Santiago to the debate. Both senators are allies of the President.
In truth, JdV’s idea carries no details. Remember that on the matter of amnesty, its knots and bolts are very important. For instance, JdV should first clarify if the amnesty he is giving (a) is automatically granted or (b) should be based on a hearing. Clarification of this issue is needed for credibility of any future presidential proclamation on amnesty.
By way of a background, after World War 2, the government issued an amnesty to all those suspected of collaborating with the Japanese invaders. That kind of amnesty, which eventually freed former President Jose P. Laurel and Sen. Claro M. Recto, was an automatic type of amnesty.
The amnesty proclamation, declared by President Roxas, did not require the two leaders to argue why they deserved to be amnestied. By definition, all suspected collaborators were amnestied. In fairness to Recto, it should be said that the Batangas leader Recto opposed the amnesty as he wanted to be given the opportunity to argue before the courts. But this option was not possible under that kind of amnesty.
In the case of President Marcos, he had many amnesty decrees directed to members of the Communist Party and the MNLF. But as the late Sen. Lorenzo Tañada (lawyer for many political prisoners) observed, these amnesties failed because rebels were required to go through the humiliating process of application and hearing. The WW II amnesty was successful because no questions were asked of the beneficiaries.
Speaker Jose de Venecia should specify in his proposal the kind of amnesty he wants the Arroyo government to carry out. Otherwise, the targets of these policies would reject his idea.
Senate coalition holding on
It looks like Senate President Manny Villar has found the secret in managing the current crop of senators—a collection of proud men and women who all believe they can become President of the Republic.
I think Manny was able to find and work on the weakness of everyone. At the moment, each one has found a modus vivendi with the other. In the words of Sen. Chiz Escudero who spoke at The Manila Times roundtable: “We need to be good to each other because the Senate hall is very small. Palagi kaming nagkikita, unlike in the House.”
Sen. Jinggoy Estrada, a member of the opposition, and administration Sen. Joker Arroyo are now on one side. So are Miriam D. Santiago (admin) and Alan Peter Cayetano (opposition). How does Manny manage the nine-person administration group, Miriam, Enrile, Lapid, Revilla, Honasan, Angara, Arroyo, Zubiri, Gordon?
And the group of independents, Pia and Alan Cayetano, Estrada, Escudero, Panglinan? And the so-called Solid Seven oppositionists, Lacson, Pimentel, Madrigal, Biazon, Roxas, Aquino, Trillanes?.
In the end, it is all a matter of responding to the political needs of everyone. And it seems Villar has been able to master the art of consensus since he headed the House during the Estrada term.
